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Strategy , Simulation , Violent , Gore. No results found. Showing 1 - 15 of 14 results. Strategy , Historical , War , Grand Strategy. Strategy , Action , Free to Play , Simulation. Tiberium Wars. Red Alert 3 - Uprising. Action , Tactical , Shooter , Top-Down. Action , Strategy , Indie , VR. Mechanical Difficulties Pre-Alpha. Venomite Studios. Attack on Toys. Play as a Plastic Soldiers! No Tan! Kingdom Clicker. A simulation-based settlement-building strategy game set in a fantasy world.

Rocket Jump Technology. Dungeon Colony. Dungeon Colony is a 2D RTS where you control an evil Master and his minions to build a dungeon and defend it from heroes. Watch the rise and fall of empires! Pixel Town. City builder meets tower defence - originally built for Ludum Dare 38 Small World. Play in browser. Empires and Tribes Demo. Medieval realtime strategy in first-person view. Empires of the Undergrowth Early Access is an ant colony management game, in a fast-paced real-time strategy style. Tidak bersatu. Oleh sebab itulah kedatangan nabi terakhir itu satu mukjizat — kerana Baginda SAW dpt menyatukan satu bangsa yang begitu degil, kasar dan suka bergaduh — iaitu Arab.

Saya tiada menulis apa-apa dakwaan terhadap ketua pembangkang. Tuan boleh rujuk artikel di atas dgn lebih teliti. Semua pihak, sama ada pembangkang mahupun kerajaan, tiada sebab untuk risau jika tidak melakukan apa-apa kesalahan. Saya melihat keceluparan pihak tertentu yang sering melabelkan bahawa merekalah penduduk asal Sabah, seterusnya banyak menuduh saudara-saudara seagama saya sebagai PATI, walhal kalau disingkap dari segi sejarah Sabah, Pantai Timur dan Pantai Barat Sabah sememangnya berada di bawah naungan dua sultan yang utama iaitu kesultanan Brunei dan Kesultanan Sulu, dan ada juga disebutkan Kesultanan Bolongan berhampiran kalimantan.

Bukankah masyarakatnya di bawah naungan Sultan-Sultan tersebut beragama Islam? Saya terpanggil untuk bertanya soalan ini kerana pihak yang seirngkali menuduh itu adalah bukan seagama dengan saya. Sememangnya saya khuatir mereka ada agenda yang lebih besar daripada apa yang terjadi sekarang ini. Lebih-lebih lagi pertelangahan yang sedang berlaku ketika ini adalah melibatkan saudara seagama saya.! PATI yang dituduh itu memanglah lebih menjurus kepada saudara seagama saya.

Apakah motif disebalik label yang diberikan itu? Adakah yang berlaku sekarang ini agenda sesuatu puak untuk melemahkan daulah Islamiyah kerajaan Malaysia? Walaupun kebarangkalian untuk Filipina menang keatas tuntutanya keatas Sabah adalah tipis. Namun harus ingat disebalik Filipina adalah US. Satu kuasa besar yang sememangnya diikuti oleh dunia. Sebelum ini pun Filipina pernah membuat tuntutan keatas Sabah. Tidak mustahil dikatakan jika kes di Lahad Datu ini adalah penyebab untuk mereka campur tangan. Sangat berharap kita lebih bersatu padu dalam menangani hal ini dan bukannya menuduh atau mencari bukti untuk dikaitkan dengan mana-mana parti politik.

Perlu diingatkan kerajaan melayu nusantara dahulu dijatuhkan oleh Portugis disebabkan perpecahan yang berlaku dikalangan melayu sendiri. Jadi kita harus berhati-hati dalam kes Lahad Datu sekarang ini. Perlu lebih sepakat. Mereka menggunakan orang seagama Islam. Semoga umat Islam dilindungi. Terjemahan Maxwell Gibson; b. Ada 2 perkara di sini: a. Jika Filipina tidak akan menang, saya tidak fikir mereka akan membuat tuntutan. Kesemua 9 waris Sultan Sulu yang dinyatakan di dalam penghakiman Macaskie telahpun meninggal dunia. Pada tahun , The Star melaporkan waris kepada 9 waris ini waris kepada waris menggugurkan tuntutan ke atas Sabah.

Di petik dari Inquirer Philipines: baik baca dan sampaikan. Five days later, Senator Jovito R. We leave it to our readers to judge the merits of the case as presented by the senators 50 years ago. Excerpts from the speech of Salonga are also reprinted in the Philippine Daily Inquirer in its March 5, issue in a bid to shed light on the Sabah conflict. My first reaction was to keep my peace and observe this shocking spectacle in silence, particularly in the light of the request of the British panel during the London Conference that the documents and the records of the proceedings be considered confidential, until they could be declassified in the normal course of diplomatic procedure.

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The good Senator, whose patriotism I do not propose to impugn, has had access to the confidential records and documents of the Department of Foreign Affairs. By his own admission, he attended closed-door hearings of the Senate Committees on Foreign Relations and National Defense, where crucial matters of national survival and security were taken up. He knows the classified, confidential nature of the records and documents bearing on the Philippine claim. He has chosen to assault the Philippine position at a time when his own Government, by virtue of the British request, may be said to be somewhat helpless in making, right in our own country, an adequate, fully-documented defense of the Philippine stand.

I trust our British friends, here and across the seas, will understand if, in defense of our position, we come pretty close to the area of danger. It is, of course, not the fault of the Senator that the British, in an admirable show of unity, enjoyed and were immensely fascinated by his press releases and statements. Thousands of years ago, what is now known as the Philippines and what is known today as Borneo used to constitute a single historical, cultural, economic unit. Authoritative Western scientists have traced the land bridges that connected these two places.

The inhabitants of the Philippines and Borneo come from the same racial stock, they have the same color, they have or used to have similar customs and traditions. Borneo is only 18 miles away from us today. North Borneo, formerly known as Sabah, was originally ruled by the Sultan of Brunei. In , in gratitude for help extended to him by the Sultan of Sulu in suppressing a revolt, the Sultan of Brunei ceded North Borneo to the Sulu Sultan.

Here, our claim really begins. Over the years, the various European countries, including Britain, Spain and the Netherlands acknowledged the Sultan of Sulu as the sovereign ruler of North Borneo. They entered into various treaty arrangements with him. This Company was awarded a Royal Charter in The Crown, on July 10, — just six days after Philippine independence — asserted full sovereign rights over North Borneo, as of that date. In , Congressman Macapagal — along with Congressmen Arsenio Lacson and Arturo Tolentino — sponsored a resolution urging the formal institution of the claim to North Borneo.

Prolonged studies were in the meanwhile undertaken and in the House of Representatives, in rare unanimity, passed a resolution urging the President of the Philippines to recover North Borneo consistent with international law and procedure. Acting on this unanimous resolution and having acquired all the rights and interests of the Sultanate of Sulu, the Republic of the Philippines, through the President, filed the claim to North Borneo. Our claim is mainly based on the following propositions: that Overbeck and Dent, not being sovereign entities nor representing sovereign entities, could not and did not acquire dominion and sovereignty over North Borneo; that on the basis of authoritative British and Spanish documents, the British North Borneo Company, a private trading concern to whom Dent transferred his rights, did not and could not acquire dominion and sovereignty over North Borneo; that their rights were as those indicated in the basic contract, namely, that of a lessee and a mere delegate; that in accordance with established precedents in International Law, the assertion of sovereign rights by the British Crown in , in complete disregard of the contract of and their solemn commitments, did not and cannot produce legal results in the form of a new tide.

I shall not, for the moment, take issue with the Senator as to his statement of the problem sought to be solved either through the Malaysia plan or the Greater Malayan Confederation. Our commitments under the United Nations Charter, the Bandung Conference Declaration and the decolonization resolution of the General Assembly are matters of record and there is no quarrel about them. There is something misleading in this naked assertion. The good Senator could have informed the people, having proclaimed knowledge of all the relevant facts, that the British Crown never considered North Borneo as British territory, nor the North Borneans as British subjects, until July 10, — six days after the Philippines became independent.

Be it noted that the Philippine claim includes sovereignty and dominion over North Borneo. The Senator cannot therefore blame us, since he has invited and provoked the inquiry, if we now file a bill of particulars. Did he really support the proprietary aspect of the claim since he first became a member of the House of Representatives and assumed the Chairmanship of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs?

Probably he did not give much thought to it then. But certainly he must have heard of the Macapagal-Lacson-Tolentino resolution of Did he give it in the Senate active and real support, even in its proprietary aspects?

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He has been a member of that distinguished body for more than 12 years — when, how and in what form, even through a proposed amendment so as to fit his thinking did he give that support? The cold, lifeless records of Congress yield no evidence of what he now eloquently professes. The distinguished Senator makes a most interesting suggestion. They do not constitute a State, as that term is understood in law.

And were we to follow the logic of the good Senator, we might conclude that America, Britain, France, the Netherlands and other countries have no more prestige and honor to keep since they have, as a matter of cold fact, lost quite a number of cases before international bodies and tribunals. But, of course, the conclusion is wrong. For respect for the rule of law has never meant and should never mean loss of honor and prestige. However, the scope of our claim is clear: we are claiming these portions of North Borneo which were leased, as clearly defined and described in the contract of and which are still under the de facto control and administration of the British Crown.

International law, it may be well to remind our good Senator, does not require exact, rigid definition of a territory by metes and bounds. Up to now, ancient nations, such as India and China, are still quarreling about their boundaries. In other words, Senator Sumulong is exacting of his own government more than what International Law requires of us.

But no matter.

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The lease contract of tells us in specific terms the natural boundaries and I do not think Senator Sumulong can improve on it. Nor can the British, if we consider as correct the conclusions of reputable writers abroad that the dividing boundary lines between the Borneo territories are neither fully-surveyed nor well-defined See, for example, North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak, Country Survey Series, New Haven, The territory had long ceased to be under Brunei control and failed to bring in any revenue.

How can he, on the other hand, have nothing but praise for Malaya which, without any claim at all and virtually a stranger in the region, desires to take over — thanks to British support — the Bornean territories? Like the isolationists of old, Senator Sumulong asks us: What is the gain of involving ourselves in North Borneo, if after all, even if we recover it, we are committed to the idea of letting the North Borneans determine what their eventual fate would be?

It is like asking a man what is the use of working if after all he would eventually fade away — and leave his properties to his kin. One of the rosiest chapters in our entire history as a people was written when we dispatched our young men to Korea to fight for the cause of freedom in that part of the world.

Since the Tungku succeeded in fighting Communism in his home base, the Senator is certain he will also succeed elsewhere even if the conditions are quite different. This must be a new brand of logic!

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For one thing, there is the simple matter of geography. The Tungku Government is a thousand miles away from the jungles of Borneo. For another, the Borneo peoples, particularly in North Borneo, are not quite prepared for self-government. The good Senator did not care to tell our people that the whole concept of Malaysia was designed to sterilize Singapore, that the whole plan was intended to redress Chinese dominance in Singapore and Malaya and that the Federation was not conceived out of a sense of oneness, or of racial or ethnic unity, or of a common heritage, but out of mutual fear and distrust.

How can a Federation — so conceived and designed — endure, much less bring stability to a region where the countries immediately involved — the Philippines and Indonesia — have not even been consulted? And if the Malaysia Federation should fail and become instead the focal center of Communist infection, what does the good Senator intend to do? The respected Senator tells us that he cannot say whether the Greater Confederation plan is a better substitute.

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I thought he had all the relevant facts. And if he did not have all the relevant facts, may it not have been the better part of prudence to give the higher officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs all the chance to explain the outlines of the plan? He knows or should know that incisive studies have been made and completed since last year on the Greater Confederation Plan by an Ad Hoc Committee, composed of professors and scholars in the University of the Philippines.

Surely, he does not expect his Government to spell out the Confederation Plan to the last detail at this time, before an agreement in principle is reached among the proposed members. Assuming that the Greater Confederation Plan does not convince the good Senator, after a careful reading of the studies that have been completed, can he not possibly render service to the Republic by suggesting positive, meaningful alternatives, having in mind his massive research and studies on the subject? Our distinguished Senator has but one suggestion. This, to my mind, is a proposal so naive it does not do justice to the reputation of the distinguished Senator or to the depth and range of his studies.

In the first place, a Federation plan need not be approved by the United Nations. In fine, the Senator would have the Republic launch a program of defeat — born of fear and doubt and timidity. I cannot agree to such a plan of action. We have told the British that we agree that their interests in the region should be respected and that we welcome any practical arrangements to this end.

But this should not take the form of colonialism in a different guise which, instead of being a factor of stability becomes the source of endless provocation. A professor in an Australian University, writing in the India Quarterly, makes a thorough analysis of the Malaysia Plan and sees great difficulties ahead.

Their own racial problems are much simpler and their economic prosperity does not require any political integration with Malaya. In any case, Borneo territories are extremely jealous of their imminent independence which they are reluctant to submerge in a federation. Jesselton is nearer to Saigon or to Manila than to Kuala Lumpur. The good Senator realizes, of course, that if North Borneo should fall into hostile hands, it is the Philippines that will be immediately affected.

And yet until we filed our claim to North Borneo and talks were conducted thereafter in London culminating in an official cognizance of our claim, there was no attempt at all to consult with us on matters that affect the very survival and security of this country. It is only now that Britain and Malaya have become increasingly appreciative of our stand and their willingness not to prejudice our claim despite Malaysia is certainly a great credit to the Administration. If between now and August 31,, the scheduled date of birth of the Malaysia Federation, these countries should stiffen in their attitude towards our claim, I must state in all candor that for all my respect for him and even assuming the nobility of his motives, the good Senator cannot fully escape the burden of responsibility, I am no apologist for the President of the Philippines, not even on the North Borneo question and will disagree with him whenever I think that his action is not well-advised.

As your Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I had made my own studies and researches, but I thought that there might be new facts and considerations which our defense and foreign affairs officials might bring to our attention during the briefing. Now that the briefing is over and the administration experts have submitted to the two Committees all the facts within their knowledge and possession, I believe it is already proper, nay, I believe it is my duty to submit for the consideration of the entire Senate and of our people the facts and considerations which I believe are material and necessary to the formation and crystallization of an intelligent opinion about the two plans.

In so doing, I want to make clear the responsibility for the facts and considerations I am about to present is my own. I want to make clear that I am always subject to correction. If my facts and considerations are wrong, I would be ready to admit and correct my mistakes. And I do hope that others will do likewise. Our commitments Under the United Nations Charter, it is the duty of every colonial power administering non-self-government or independence and until that people has been made self-governing or independent, it is the duty of the colonial power to submit to the United Nations every year a report of its administration of the territory.

During all that time, the Philippines as a member of the United Nations has not put forward any claim of sovereignty over North Borneo, nor has the Philippines registered any reservation or protest to the report submitted by Britain to the United Nations every year as the administering power over North Borneo. It was only in December of last year that the Philippine delegation, during the consideration of the yearly report of the British administration over North Borneo in the Trusteeship Committee, made a reservation contesting for the first time the right of the British to rule and administer North Borneo.

The answer is that North Borneo is not a part of the national territory of the Philippines as defined and delimited in our Constitution. When the United Nations was organized in , the claimants to North Borneo was not the Philippines but the heirs of the late Sultan Jamalul Kiram who died in If the said heirs had any claims to sovereignty over North Borneo — as distinguished from their proprietary claims — they could have filed a petition or a reservation to the United Nations protesting against British rule and administration over North Borneo, but they did not file any such petition or reservation.

It was only in February of last year that the said heirs informed our Department of Foreign Affairs that they were claiming sovereignty to North Borneo and they offered to turn over such claim of sovereignty to the Republic of the Philippines, reserving however to themselves their proprietary claims. This offer was accepted by President Macapagal and to give semblance of legality to the transfer of sovereignty from the said heirs to the Republic of the Philippines, in September of last year out of the several surviving heirs of Sultan Jamalul Kiram who died in , Esmail Kiram was proclaimed the new Sultan of Sulu claiming to possess all the attributes and prerogatives of a sovereign ruler and as such he executed a deed of cession of his alleged claim of sovereignty to North Borneo in favor of the Republic of the Philippines.

A mistake I am and have always been in favor of our government giving every possible support to the proprietary claims of the heirs of the late Sultan Jamalul Kiram. But I have always believed as I still believe that it was a mistake for President Macapagal to have agreed to such transfer of the claim of sovereignty from the said heirs to the Republic of the Philippines for the following reasons: 1 The said heirs had never filed a petition or reservation before the United Nations claiming sovereignty to North Borneo and protesting British rule and administration thereof.

Since the transferee acquires no better rights than the transferor, this weakens the present claim of the Republic of the Philippines. If the said heirs lose their case before the United Nations, there would be no loss of honor of prestige for the Republic of the Philippines. As it is now, if the belated claim of sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines to a portion of North Borneo does not prosper in the United Nations, the damage to our national honor and prestige would be incalculable.

We would appear as attempting to colonize North Borneo without any lawful or just cause, contrary to our vehement denunciations of colonialism and our loud demands that the grant of self-government or independence to subject peoples be accelerated. Even if the United Nations should sustain the belated Philippine claim of sovereignty to North Borneo, we stand to gain nothing because we are committed to speedily end our rule and administration there, grant its people self-government or independence and respect their will and wishes as to whether they will join the Federation of Malaysia or the Greater Malayan Confederation proposed by President Macapagal.

This was admitted by the Philippine panel during the London talks, but the administration of President Macapagal has kept mum and has not brought this important fact to the attention of our people. During our joint committee meetings in Camp Murphy, I asked the members of the Philippine panel present if they could tell us the exact metes and bounds and the exact area of this portion of North Borneo claimed by our government but none could give us a positive answer. This was amazing in the extreme. When a man sues in court to recover title and possession to a piece of land, the first thing he has to prove in court is the identity of the land.

But here is the administration of President Macapagal involving the honor and prestige of our government in a claim of sovereignty to a portion of North Borneo, without being able to tell us the identity of that portion.

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And yet, administration stalwarts have been daring the British to have the case tried and decided by the International Court of Justice. From the compilation of documents submitted to us by Minister Benito Bautista of the Department of Foreign Affairs, I found that before Overbeck and Dent entered into the contract of January 12, with the Sultan of Sulu, they had previously obtained from the Sultan of Brunei four other similar contracts on December 29, As narrated by K.

Tregonning in his book entitled Under Chartered Company Rule and borne out by the descriptions contained in the four contracts of the Sultan of Brunei. So the territory ceded under the four contracts with the Sultan of Brunei was more extensive and embraced the territory ceded under the contract with the Sultan of Sulu.

Why did Overbeck and Dent still contracted with the Sultan of Sulu for territory already ceded to them under the four contracts with the Sultan of Brunei? According to Professor Tregonning in his aforecited book, after Overbeck and Dent had negotiated the four contracts with the Sultan of Brunei, they learned later that the northeast coast, which comprised a large portion of the territory ceded by the Sultan of Brunei, was in the hands of the Sultan of Sulu who claimed to have received it from the Sultan of Brunei in in return for the help in suppressing a rebellion and it was for this reason that they negotiated the contract with the Sultan of Sulu on January 12, op.

It is small wonder that the administration of President Macapagal is at a loss to identify the portion of North Borneo subject of their claim of sovereignty. Common concern It should be the common concern of the Philippines and of all countries whose peoples believe in the free and democratic way of life, to see to it that Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo, are not only speedily decolonized and granted self-government or independence, but also adequately safeguarded against the danger of communist infiltration and subversion once they become self-governing or independent.

The balance of power in Asia between the forces of freedom on the one hand and the forces of communism on the other, is in a very precarious and critical posture today. Laos has turned neutralist. The ruler of Cambodia has decided to align himself on the side of Red China. South Vietnam is facing a life and death struggle with the Viet Congs. If Sarawak, Brunei, North Borneo and Singapore, should be lost to the free world by their turning communist or neutralist, the peace and security of the free world countries in Asia including the Philippines would be gravely imperilled. We in the Philippines are firmly and uncompromisingly against communism.

Whether under the former Nacionalista administration or under the present Liberal administration, that has been our consistent policy. We are a religious people and we cannot accept a godless ideology. We want progress, but we do not want to achieve progress through dictatorship and violence; we want to achieve progress through freedom and peaceful reform. In the fight between the forces of freedom and the forces of communism, we do not believe in being neutralist or non-aligned. We want to stand up and be counted on the side of the forces of freedom.

And because the military power of the forces of communism is great due to their tremendous human and material resources, no nation can resist and fight them alone and unaided. The forces of freedom must combine and cooperate militarily and economically in order to balance the military and economic power of the forces of communism.

British plan The Federation of Malaysia is the British plan of giving self-government to Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo and at the same time safeguard them against communist infiltration and subversion. Under the plan, Britain will relinquish sovereignty over Sarawak and North Borneo and withdraw protection over Brunei and then these three newly independent states will join the 11 states now composing the Federation of Malaya and Singapore in forming the Federation of Malaysia.

In other words, the present Federation of Malaya will be enlarged by bringing in Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo as new members and as thus enlarged it will be renamed Federation of Malaysia. The present mutual defense pact between Britain and the Federation of Malaya will then be extended to this enlarged Federation of Malaysia. The plan is to follow the same pattern by which Malaya was given independence on August 31, and by means of a mutual defense pact with the former mother country Britain , receive such military and economic aid to enable her to fight communist infiltration and subversion successfully.

Let us recall the history of Malaya.

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For a hundred years, Malaya was under British rule before she won her independence on August 31, Malaya is a Federation of 11 states, two of which were formerly British colonies and the remaining nine were formerly protectorates. Under her constitution, these 11 states upon becoming independent agreed to form a Federation with a federal parliament composed of two houses in which each of the 11 states was given representation.

When she became independent in , Malaya was faced with a grave internal problem of communist infiltration and subversion. In population, the Chinese is the second biggest in number, next only to the Malays, so that the danger of Chinese communist infiltration and subversion was real and acute.

This danger had to be met realistically and the leaders of Malaya realized that it had to be fought not only with military but also with economic weapons, for which they needed British aid and cooperation. So, the leaders of Malaya evolved a five-year development plan to improve the livelihood of the people so that they will not be enticed by communist propaganda harping on the poverty of the masses and promising a classless society where there will be no poor and no rich.

Through these economic and military measures, Malaya under the leadership of Tungku Abdul Rahman was able to break the communist backbone in that country, in the same way that through similar economic and military measures, Magsaysay was able to break the communist backbone here in our country, so that the names of Abdul Rahman and Magsaysay rank high in the roster of successful communist fighters in Asia.

Because of the success of the Federation of Malaya under the leadership of Abdul Rahman and with the British military and economic aid to fight communist infiltration and subversion, it is also expected that the enlarged Federation of Malaysia under the same leadership of Abdul Rahman and with continued British military and economic aid will be able to meet and overcome any communist attempt to capture Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo through infiltration and subversive activities.

Is this a better substitute to the Malaysia plan as an instrumentality to make Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo safe and secure against communist infiltration and subversion once these countries become self-governing or independent? According to President Macapagal, it is a better substitute. For my part, I cannot say whether it is a better substitute or not, for the simple reason that its proponents cannot give us any information as to what concretely and specifically are the plans and the ways and means by which this Greater Malayan Confederation is expected to help protect Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo against communist infiltration and subversion.

According to President Macapagal in a recent interview with a correspondent of Agence de France, all that he could say was that the proposed members will retain their separate sovereignties. This means that the Philippine claim to a portion of North Borneo will be given so that North Borneo may become independent and sovereign and thus qualify to be a member of this Greater Malayan Confederation.

I have asked before and I now again ask: Is it the plan that this Greater Malayan Confederation will not seek any outside military or economic aid either from Britain or from the US and that each member state will just rely on her own military and economic resources to fight communist infiltration and subversion? Is the Philippines ready to extend military and economic aid to North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak and if so, how much is the present administration willing to appropriate for this purpose? What joint and common measures will the member states take in order to help each other in fighting communist infiltration and subversion?

Will there be a common armed force? Will there be a common economic program? Or will this be a purely social club? These questions are relevant, material and pertinent and must be answered by President Macapagal and the proponent of the Greater Malayan Confederation, before they can expect any Filipino to rally to its support and before they can expect the proposed member-states of such Confederation to be convinced that it is a better and more effective instrument than the Malaysia plan to combat and overcome the communist menace in their respective territories.

I regret to report that in the joint committee hearings of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and National Defense and Security, none of the defense and foreign officials present could give any answer to these questions and they confessed to our amazement and surprise that the detailed plans and objectives of this projected Greater Malayan Confederation have not been spelled out. Conclusions From the foregoing facts and considerations, I submit to the Senate and to our people the following conclusions: 1 If the administration of President Macapagal seriously believes that the Philippine claim of sovereignty to a portion of North Borneo should be prosecuted to the bitter end, it must be prepared to establish the identity of that portion whether the case is brought before the International Court of Justice or before the United Nations.

We would appear as having attempted to colonize a portion of North Borneo without any lawful or just cause, forgetting our colonialism and our loud demands for accelerating the grant of self-government or independence to subject peoples especially those in Asia. In this connection, it is worthy of note that judging from press reports of Filipino newspapermen who had gone to North Borneo, the popular reaction there to our claim of sovereignty is one of surprise and resentment rather than sympathy and support. And if Indonesia insists that the peoples of Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo are against Malaysia, we should point out to her that there is available UN machinery and there is the peaceful remedy of asking for a plebiscite under the auspices of the United Nations, which renders unnecessary resort to war or use of force and violence.

I for one believe in all sincerity that under the present circumstances, the better course to follow is for our government to inform the United Nations in due time, i. Tiada tentera Malaysia yg terbunuh. Malaysia tidak menjajah Sabah. Sabah yang memilih Malaysia menerusi referendum — berbanding Indonesia dan Filipina. Saudara andak, pada mulanya saya rasa lega dan faham dgn segala kemelut yg sdg berlaku. Tapi, bila ada berita di dalam akhbar hari ini menyatakan ada rundingan PM sblum ni dgn mereka ditambah pula dgn keberanian Anwar utk menyaman Tv3 dan utusan yg melibtkn Anwar sbg dalang dlm kes ini menimbulkn keraguan pula pd saya dgn laporan Saudara di atas.

Saya ada byk baca sumber, tapi kalau saya petik semua, analisis sudah jadi karangan panjang yg org tak boleh nak baca. Salamualaikum tuan, Sedihnya mereka ini berjuang berdasarkan kpd emosi dan sentimen bukan berdasarkan fakta dan lojik. Menghantar orang utk menentang sebuah negara berdaulat adalah satu tindakan bodoh dan bunuh diri. Akhirnya seorang general mereka yg berdekad dekad disanjung sebagai freedom fighter mati sebagai penjenayah. PDRM perlu menguatkan semula sistem pengumpulan maklumat ancaman seperti mereka laksanakan semasa ancaman komunis dahulu.

Penubuhan Special Security Area di timur Sabah itu adalah satu permulaan yg baik. Selain kehadiran pskn keselamatan penduduk setempat juga perlu memainkan peranan dalam memerhati dan melapor kpd pihak keselamatan apa-apa shj yg difikirkan menjadi ancaman kpd negara. Anda sedang menulis komen melalui akaun WordPress. Anda sedang menulis komen melalui akaun Google anda. Anda sedang menulis komen melalui akaun Twitter anda. Anda sedang menulis komen melalui akaun Facebook anda.

Maklumkan komen balas melalui emel. Maklumkan kiriman baru melalui email. Share this: Twitter Facebook. Like this: Like Memuat Salam tuan, Terima kasih atas soalan yang diberikan. Itulah undang-undang antarabangsa. Setuju tuan. Ini sesuatu yang bagi saya: legally impossible. Kesemua 9 orang waris ini telahpun meninggal dunia.

Salam tuan, Terima kasih atas bantuan tuan untuk share artikel yg tidak seberapa ini. Tahniad pdrm dan atm yg mempertahankan kedaulatan negara jasamu hanya Allah membalasnya…. Terima kasih tuan. Saya setuju dgn pendapat tuan bahawa pertahanan negara perlu diperkukuh. P Perjuangan pihak polis mempertahankan kedaulatan dan keamanan negara adalah sesuatu yang mulia. Tapi apa yg saya tgk semalam — keadaan sebaliknya berlaku. Derita org Sabah kini ditanggung dgn nyawa oleh org Besut dan org Sg Besar.

Waalaikumussalam warahmatullahi wabarakatuh waridhwanuh, 1. Kerakyatan bukan satu benda mustahil.